Amish Mennonites: Their Origins and Place in the Canadian Mennonite
Mosaic
by Lorraine Roth
The 500th anniversary of the birth of Menno Simons may be a good time
to become acquainted with the Amish wing of the Mennonite constituency.
It has been said that the Amish are the ones who should carry Menno's
name because they more closely follow his teachings than do most groups
who are known by his name. Next to the Bible, the writings of Menno
and the Dordrecht Confession of Faith are considered the cornerstones
of Amish faith and practice.
Amish Origins
The Amish have their origins among the Anabaptists of Switzerland.
They called themselves Swiss Brethren. The Anabaptists in Alsace, France1,
had formally accepted the Dordrecht Confession at a conference held in 1660. This
confession contained articles on footwashing and the shunning of disciplined members.
The Swiss Mennonites were not accustomed to either of these practices, but many
of the Swiss refugees in Alsace began taking them seriously.
Several years after the above-mentioned conference and the introduction
of the Dutch confession, a young Swiss Mennonite minister by the name
of Jacob Ammann visited the churches in Alsace. It has generally been
asserted that Ammann taught his views on footwashing and shunning to
the Alsatians, but it may actually have been the other way around.
That Ammann became the champion of these practices is certainly true.
He also found some congregations in Alsace who in his view, were compromising
too much with the established Protestant churches. He also became concerned
about the worldliness in dress, which at that time seems to have had
to do particularly with the introduction of buttons as a means of fastening
clothing. He was also concerned about the shaving habits of men.
In the late summer of 1693, Jacob Ammann made a preaching or consultation
tour in his native Switzerland. It has generally been assumed that Ammann
had taken this tour entirely on his own initiative. However, it is more
likely that he was representing a broader range of Alsatian congregations,
and was not simply a self-appointed advocate of his personal views.
That Ammann was a willing representative of the practice of a stricter discipline
and an effort to halt the inroads of the "worldliness" of the day, cannot be disputed.
Correspondence surrounding the debates which took place in the late 17th century
between the leaders of the factions which developed over the above issues, certainly
places Ammann as the principal character espousing a stricter discipline2.
That Ammann's name has been used to identify the conservative wing
of the Swiss Brethen is then not surprising. It is nevertheless more
likely that the term "Amish" or some variation thereof was applied to
it by those outside the group and not from within it. In fact, the term
Amish is more of an American phenomenon than European. The "Amish" who
came to Canada were not accustomed to the term and some of them had
not even heard it before they got to Waterloo County. In the Hesse area
of Germany they were known simply as "Mennonit" or "Mennist." In Alsace
and Lorraine they were known as Anabaptists. They usually thought of
themselves simply as "Täufer" (Baptizers).
Since the "Amish" in Europe used the same terms to identify themselves as
the Mennonites, how did one distinguish between the two? The most common terms
used among themselves were the Häftler and the Knöpfler.
The "Amish" who wore hooks and eyes to fasten their coats were called Häftler.
The Mennonites who used the more fashionable buttons were called Knöpfler3.
It is likely that terms such as "Ammansch" or some form of "Amish" were also used,
but one never finds them in the formal documents. The term "Amish" is widely known
in Europe today. That is due more though to the movie "The Witness" than learning
from the historical context of the movement.
The Amish Mennonite4 Experience
in Europe
Mennonites first migrated to America in 1683, i.e. several years before
the division among the Swiss Brethren took place. During the 1700s several
thousand Mennonites came to America, but only a few hundred "Amish"
were among them. Most of the Swiss who were sympathetic to the conservative
movement left Switzerland to find asylum in Germany and France; they
did not attempt to migrate to America. A few, however, did get as far
as Holland, and remained a distinct congregation there for many years.
Throughout the 1700s, the Amish Mennonites established themselves
in Alsace and Lorraine, in a few areas in Baden, east of the Rhine,
in the Palatinate and as far north as Kassel in Hesse. Due to the devastation
in central Europe caused by the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), rulers
were anxious to build up their territories, and Swiss immigrants were
especially welcome. One ruling family in particular was tolerant of
Anabaptists and sought them out as farmers on their various estates.
Such farmers would be asked to pay certain rents, supply the ruling
household with a certain portion of the produce and maintain the herds
and animals of the landlord, but would also be allowed to have and build
up his own herd. If the rents were not too high, if the economy was
good, and if the farmer was a good manager, life went tolerably well.
On the other hand, if any of these elements was missing or went wrong,
there could be problems.
Frequent wars and natural calamities usually kept the economy of Europe
in shambles, and landlords were not any more lenient about rents in
the 18th century than they are in the 20th. Hence, life in Europe was
frequently difficult and sometimes intolerable.
The historical event which again changed the face of European life
was the French Revolution. It certainly was a decisive factor in the
life of the Anabaptists living in Alsace and Lorraine. Following the
institution of the Republic in 1792, the last independent kingdoms in
Alsace and Lorraine became French. The Anabaptists -- if they were willing
to "promise" (instead of swear) allegiance to the Constitution -- gained
full citizenship. The Constitutional Government had also been willing
to grant them partial military exemption -- they could serve as unarmed
teamsters. However, when Napoleon came to power, he armed the teamsters
and adamantly refused to grant any
military exemptions. His military exploits required many soldiers,
and his influence spread to other parts of Europe.
Some Mennonites and Amish Mennonites moved to Bavaria in the early
1800s, but Napoleon's influence affected them there as well. The prince
who had invited immigrants including Mennonites from Alsace and the
Palatinate found favour with Napoleon, who crowned him King of Bavaria.
The prince returned the favour to Napoleon by also demanding compulsory
military service.
With this turn of events, the Amish Mennonites began looking to America
to solve their dilemma. Several thousand left, beginning shortly before
1820 and continuing throughout most of the century. Many found their
way to the American frontier, but a significant number came to Canada.
Amish Mennonite Migration to Canada
A number of Amish Mennonites had come to Canada. Shortly after 1800
they came mostly to York County, from Somerset County in Pennsylvania.
It is not known whether they tried to organize a congregation. If they
did, it has not survived. A number of families returned to the United
States, usually to Ohio, rather than Pennsylvania, and many of their
descendants are members of Amish congregations today. Those who remained
in York County assimilated with the general population.
The founding of a permanent Amish Mennonite settlement is attributed
to the efforts of Christian Nafziger, who was born in the Palatinate
but had immigrated to Bavaria. Nafziger left his family late in 1821,
and sailed from Amsterdam to look for a place to which he could take
his family and others of like faith. He landed in New Orleans, made
his way up the Mississippi to Cincinnati and then east to Lancaster
County, Pennsylvania. The Mennonites there told him to go to Canada
to look for land. Mennonites had settled in the Niagara Peninsula as
early as 1786, and others had gone to the interior on the Grand River,
around 1800.
Nafziger and the Mennonites in Waterloo visited the Lieutenant-Governor,
Sir Peregrine Mailand, and the Executive Council which was temporarily
meeting at Niagara-on-the-Lake. The Mennonites had drafted a petition
for land and had in mind the Crown Reserve just west of Waterloo, which
is now Wilmot Township. Crown Reserves were being held in the hopes
that their sale or rents would provide revenue for the government, but
the settlers objected to these blocks of wild lands interspersed among
the land which they were trying to settle. They impeded road building
and harboured the foxes and wolves which preyed on their livestock.
Since the Reserves could not be released for settlement without royal
assent, Maitland provided Nafziger with a letter of introduction for
the Colonial Office in London. Nafziger returned to Pennsylvania and
sailed from New York. He stopped in London where he visited the Colonial
Office and is to have obtained, in writing, assurance that the Reserve
would be available. According to the story circulated at the time of
Nafziger's death some years later, he had also gone to see the King,
who confirmed the negotiations already made, pressed a few gold coins
into his hand, and wished him a good journey.
The Mennonites of Waterloo arranged to have the passage paid through
their brethren in Bucks County, Pennsylvania. Others, however, began
to find their way to Waterloo, a few as early as the fall of 1823. The
Mennonites began to clamour for the survey of the Reserve, and the government
finally sent a surveyor to lay out three parallel roads in a westerly
direction from the Waterloo settlement, with 200-acre lots on each side
of the roads. The understanding was that the settlers pay for the survey,
clear the roadway, clear a certain amount of land and build a house
of sufficient size, and then they would be granted a patent to the front
50 acres of their lot.
Settlement on the former Reserve proceeded slowly until 1828 when
the government gave this "German Block," as it was called, to the newly
chartered King's College (forerunner of the University of Toronto) as
an endowment. The College informed the settlers that rents would now
need to be paid, retroactive to the time when they first settled on
their land. They were given the option of purchasing the land but at
a price almost double that of land prices at the time. Upon receipt
of this news, the settlers were dismayed and began writing letters of
protest. Settlement was halted for a few years, and some left for the
United States, primarily Ohio. The government relented and the price
was ameliorated somewhat.
The Amish Mennonites Become Established in Canada
The parts of the Reserve, to the north and south of the German Block,
were given to the Canada Company, and all of it became Wilmot Township.
By the time of the 1851 census, there were about 600 Amish Mennonite
men, women and children residing in the township, and many more had
spread into the adjoining township of Wellesley and into Perth and Oxford
Counties. By 1875, there were five autonomous congregations who maintained
fellowship but had not yet formed a conference.
In the 1880s and 1890s, disagreements over the maintenance of the
"old order," precipitated by the building of meetinghouses (most Amish
meet for worship only in their houses and barns) in all of the Amish
Mennonite congregations, resulted in a division, with members from two
of the congregations forming their own "Old Order" groups. Members from
the other congregations who wished to retain the old order, moved to
the Wellesley and Milverton areas where they could be in close proximity
to these "Old Order" groups.
In the 1920s the five original Amish Mennonite congregations formed
the Amish Mennonite Conference of Ontario. Already before that time
two independent Amish Mennonite congregations had been organized and
several more have come into being since that time. By the 1960s the
conference churches had dropped most of the Amish distinctives and were
finding the use of the term "Amish" confusing, especially in their mission
outreach. The conference then changed its name to Western Ontario Mennonite
Conference, cooperating with, but still not merging with the Mennonite
Conference of Ontario.
Cooperation between this formerly Amish Mennonite conference and the
Mennonite Conference of Ontario (and later also Quebec) and the United
Mennonite Conference increased through the next two decades, and in
the 1980s a merger was effected between all of these conferences, creating
the Mennonite Conference of Eastern Canada.
Meanwhile, the two Old Order Amish congregations have grown to five
in the area in which they first developed and have spawned a number
of congregations in other areas of southern Ontario. In recent decades,
Amish from the United States have moved into Ontario as well, augmenting
the total number of congregations or districts to 16, with about 800
baptized members.
Amish Mennonite congregations who identify with the Beachy Amish of
the United States now number six, with a membership of about 366. Several
Conservative Mennonite congregations also include a number of former
Amish Mennonites in their memberships.
Notes:
1 Alsace and Lorraine had been ceded to France
in 1648 by the Treaty of Westphalia following the Thirty Years' War. However,
a number of smaller kingdoms within these provinces were still ruled by various
German princes, and it was generally in these areas where the Anabaptists had
found asylum when leaving Switzerland to escape the persecution. (return
to document)
2 Letters of the Amish Division: A Sourcebook,
Newly Translated and Edited by John D. Roth with the assistance of Joe Springer.
Goshen, Indiana: Mennonite Historical Society, 1993. (return
to document)
3 The annual Bulletin of the
French Mennonite Historical Society features on its cover a button and a hook
and eye, illustrating this point. (return to document)
4 Although the term Amish Mennonite was not
used in Europe, and in Canada was often shorted to "Amish," I choose to use this
term because it most nearly describes this group of the Mennonite family. The
term "Mennonite" was used to identify them in Germany and in most cases in the
Canadian documentation as well. "Amish," however, is the term which came to predominate
to describe them on the American continent, especially those who adhere to the
"Old Order" practices of using horse-drawn vehicles and machinery and do not use
electricity and telephones. (return to document)
For Further Study:
The Amish of Canada by Orland Gingerich. Waterloo: Conrad
Press, 1972, is a fairly conprehensive history and description of the
Amish Mennonites in Canada. Unfortunately, it is out of print.
150 Years: Sesquicentennial of the Amish Mennonites of Ontario.
Ed. Dorothy Sauder; historical survey by Lorraine Roth. Mennonite Historical
Society of Ontario and Western Ontario Mennonite Conference, 1972.
One Quilt, Many Pieces: A Reference Guide to Mennonite Groups
in Canada by Margaret Loewen Reimer. Third Edition. Waterloo: Mennonite
Publishing Service, 1990. This publication gives more up-to-date desciptions
and is the source of the statistics in this article.
"The Settlement of the German Block in Wilmot Township, Upper Canada"
by Ann Hilty and Lorraine Roth, in Ontario Mennonite History,
Vol. XIV, No. 2.
GENEALOGY AND FAMILY HISTORY
by Alf Redekopp
Queries
Goerzen - Heinrich H. Goerzen (1832-?) and his wife
Sarah Klassen (1835-1895) arrived in Canada in July 1875. They homesteaded
in Osterwick, Manitoba. Children included Susanna (1859-?), Heinrich
(1861-?) (from a first marriage with Eva Bergen), Peter (b. November,
1866) and Jakob (b. October 1871, d. 1919). Any information regarding
the ancestors and descendants of this family will be appreciated. Contact:
Duane Goertson, 7934 124 St. Surrey, BC V3W 3X6 or e-mail: duane.goertson@deepcove.bc.ca
Neustaedter - I am interested in all the descendants
of Kornelius Neustaedter (October 16, 1831-May 10, 1903) first married
to Helena Hildebrandt (d. January 9, 1862), and then married to Helena
Hildebrandt (Aug. 30, 1841-May 26, 1903). I know of one son from each
marriage, Peter Neustaedter from the first, and Abram Neustaedter (1864-1945)
from the second. Did Kornelius Neustadter have more children born to
either of the two Helena Hildebrandts? Contact: Herbert Peters, 1420
Faulkner Crescent, Saskatoon, SK S7L 3R4.
Send inquiries to Alf Redekopp, 600 Shaftesbury Blvd., Winnipeg,
MB R3P 0M4 or 169 Riverton Ave, Winnipeg, MB R2L 2E5. E-mail: aredek@mbnet.mb.ca
Recent Books
Clara Klassen. Klassen Genealogy: From the Land of Revolution
and War to the Land of Freedom and Peace (Abbotsford,
BC: Private publication, 1996) hdc., 636 pp.
This book contains the family history of the descendants of Gerhard
Julius Klassen (1839-1920) and Anna Petkau (1841- ?) who lived in the
village of Burwalde, South Russia. The ancestry of this family is traced
back to Julius Julius Klassen (d. 1798) and his wife Katharina Bergen
(d. 1799) who settled in Burwalde. Compiled in a "scrapbook" fashion,
with scores of photographs, anecdotal stories, and copies of documents
from a variety of school, church and community life event, this books
contains a large amount of family history information. Contact: Clara
Klassen, 61-34959 Old Clayburn Road, Abbotsford, BC V2S 6W7.
Matthieas H. Rauert/Annelie Kümpers-Grave. Van der
Smissen: Eine mennonitische Familie vor dem Hintergrund der Geschichte
Altonas und Schleswig-Hostein (Hamburg: Nord Magazin Verlagsges.,
1992) hdc., 274 pp.
The Van der Smissen family played a significant role in the Mennonite
church and community life in the Altona area at Hamburg, Germany. The
family's origin traces back to 1576 when Gysbert I van der Smissen esccaped
Belium during the Inquisition. Contact: Nord Magazin Verlagsges., Postfach
10 19 46, 2000 Hamburg 60 Germany.
New Genealogical Source
Grandma: Genealogical Registry and Database of Mennonite
Ancestry Volume 1. (Fresno, CA: Genealogy Project Committee
of the California Mennonite Historical Society, 1996) CD-ROM.
The CD-ROM contains a genealogical database of Low-German Mennonite
ancestry, maps, church records for the Rosenort Mennonite Church in
Prussia, and computer software useful for examining the contents of
the CD.
The main genealogical database, named GRANDMA, contains over 135,000
persons organized into family groups. The ancestral lines of these persons
can be traced to Mennonite communities in Poland and Russia. At this
point, the database is strongest for Mennonite Brethren families whose
ancestors came from Russia to the United States in the 1870s or 1880s.
The CD includes files in the Brother's Keeper format (the preferred
program of the producers), as well as files in GEDCOM format for import
into other genealogical software programs preferred by the user. The
main database requires 43 MB free space on the hard drive.
The installation instruction on the CD cover contain several significant
errors, but if one follows the instructions in the various text files
on the CD, the installation process is clear and happens smoothly. Included
on the CD are copies of the shareware software such as Brother's Keeper
Windows, Brother's Keeper DOS, GedTool, Image viewers and some utilities.
In addition to the main database, the CD also includes the source
data files submitted by 12 contributors, as well as ship list indexes
for over 14,000 names of Mennonites who arrived in the USA between 1872
and 1904.
This CD represents the first substantial item produced through the
coordination and cooperation of genealogists to avoid the duplication
of efforts. A second volume is already projected for early in 1997.
Persons interested in ordering Volume One, or in becoming a contributor
toward future volumes, should contact: California Mennonite Historical
Society, 4824 East Butler Avenue, Fresno, CA 93727-5097 or e-mail: kennrem@fresno.edu.
The 1789 Land Census of West Prussian Mennonites
by Adalbert Goertz
The oldest census of Mennonites in Prussia was taken in 1776 by order
of King Frederick II. For most practical purposes it marks a barrier
for most family researchers which is difficult to overcome. After King
Frederick's death in 1786, his successor and nephew King Frederick William
II was not nearly as tolerant as his great uncle.
Since the Prussian army was based on the landowners' resources in
manpower and horsepower, and since the Mennonites were granted religious
freedom and exemption from military service, it became increasingly
worrisome to the military that Mennonites kept increasing their land
holdings, thereby decreasing the military land base of what was called
the canton system of conscription.
The new king agreed to the suggestion that land holdings of Mennonites
be frozen, and issued the Edict of 1789 which regulated and limited
Mennonite land ownership. Each land acquisition from non-Mennonites
was made dependent on a special permit called a Consens. A
Consens was not necessary for a Mennonite-to-Mennonite transfer
or if the Mennonite purchaser would relinquish his military exemption
Privilegium. Whether a Consens was granted or refused
depended largely on local government recommendations and on how much
land was sold by Mennonites to non-Mennonites.
From 1789 on, we have periodic land censuses up to 1868 when the Edict
of 1789 was repealed. Some regional land censuses (1824, 1829, 1845)
have been published in Ostdeutsche Familienkunde. Whether
another land census called a General-Nachweisung (for 1802-1805?,
1824) exists, is uncertain, but possible.
Since these land censuses counted the land unavailable as a military
resource, we find data only which pertain to the amount of land given
in the units Hufen, Morgen and Ruten. One Hufen
equals 16.8 hectares which equals about 41 acres which equals 30 Morgen,
and one Morgen equals 300 Ruten (square rods).
This census contrasts with the 1776 census which has nothing to do
with land ownership and which counts Mennonite family members. Since
it was the land in Mennonite hands which was counted and recorded it
is not surprising that we find Mennonites who were counted more than
once when they owned two (or more?) plots of land. Moreover it is not
obvious whether two or more names mean different individuals or the
same person holding more than one piece of land. If the locations associated
with the same Mennonite name are close together, we can assume that
we are dealing with the same individual. If the locations are far apart,
we are probably dealing with different individuals.
Since the legal status regarding land ownership of Mennonites in the
western parts of the kingdom (i.e. Rhineland, Krefeld, Koblenz) was
different from that in West Prussia, we do not find similar censuses
of Mennonites there. Mennonites were not permitted to own any land;
they were all Paechter (tenants).
The data of the 1789 land census has been transcribed from a microfilm
obtained from the Prussian archives at Merseburg. These records have
since been transferred from Merseburg to Berlin and have the Signatur:
II. HA. Gen. Dir. Abt.9. Westpreussen. Materien. Tit.109, No.1: Mennonitensachen
vol.2, 1787-1798, 389 Blatt, Auswanderung, Grundstücke
etc.: Ad Nr.1: vol.2: General-Nachweisung von den in dem Marienwerderschen
Dept. befindlichen Mennonistischen Besitzungen, seit wann und wie dieselbigen
die Grundstuecke besitzen und was für Abgaben zu den Kirchen
etc., de anno 1789.
This transcription of the 139 pages contains 2443 name entries. Since,
according to official Prussian census figures, there were 2207 possessionierte
Mennonites in West Prussia in 1789, we must conclude that the excess
numbers in this listing are duplicate name entries. The full listing
and index is accessible at the Manitoba Mennnoite Historical Society
website: http://www.mmhs.org/mmhs/mmhsgen.htm.
Adalbert Goertz is a genealogist and researcher
residing in Waynesboro, PA USA.
The German Prisoners of War Story
by Irma Foth
During the World War II a total of 26 major military prisons which
eventually housed almost 34,000 prisoners of war were opened in Canada.
The largest of these was the one in Lethbridge which at one time had
17,000 prisoners of war. A previous article in the Mennonite
Historian (March 1996) featured some experiences of Mennonites
in the Coaldale area with these prisoners of war.
In response to that article, Irma Foth of Winnipeg sent us a brief
description and some photographs of similar experiences with German
and Austrian prisoners of war in the Glenlea area of Manitoba where
another smaller camp was established. Reader's responses are always
welcome. Abe Dueck, co-editor.
In the late summer of 1945 (46?) a prisoner of war camp was set up
near St. Agathe, MB, a few miles south of Glenlea. About twenty Mennonite
farmers resided in this area. Jacob Pankratz taught at Cartier School
and also served as a lay minister in the Glenlea Mennonite Church. His
son Rudy(?) worked with a road gang on Highway #75. As he ate his lunch
on the side of the road, he saw several German POWs eating on the other
side of the ditch. They were being guarded by a Canadian soldier.
Young Pankratz, who spoke German fluently, struck up a conversation
with these men, and they told him about their life as prisoners. They
had been sent to Manitoba from Alberta to help with the harvest. They
were treated humanely, but their rations were very inadequate leaving
them on the verge of malnutrition. Some of these men had been prisoners
since the African campaign in 1940.
Rudy told his father about the plight of these men. Mr. Pankratz at
once mobilized his friends and neighbours, even asking a Mennonite grocery
store owner Riediger of Winnipeg for help. Some of these groceries were
smuggled into the camp, some taken to the officer in charge. I know
of a group of ladies who baked pastries and sent them to the camp.
At first there was to be no communication between the POWs and the
Canadian populace. Then they were sent to farmers in small groups under
a guard, returning to the camp at night. Later they were put up by farmers
and stayed several weeks. It was a very rainy fall and they had to work
in the soggy beet fields without proper footwear.
The farmers paid wages to the authorities for the work, but they were
not to pay the prisoners. Stull, most farmers tried to do something
for these unfortunates. I know of one farmer who borrowed money from
the bank and sent the families of the two prisoners who worked for him,
some CARE parcels. They cost $15.00 each at that time.
My brothers employed several men, Leo Baur, Paul Heese, Pitscheider,
Lampert, and Fischeregger. They were appreciative of anything that was
done for them. My sister-in-law, Justina Bergmann, asked them once whether
they would like some special food that would taste like their home meals.
They asked for pancakes. One of them said that most likely he would
never again in his life eat anything as delicious.
One young man, a 19-year-old when captured, was an artist. He painted
a portrait of my niece, a one-year-old. Later, he sent us several beautiful
paintings from his home in the Tyrol (now Italy). I still cherish these
paintings.
Several prisoners attended Mennonite church services, although most
were Catholics. My family stayed in touch with several of these men
for years. They had become friends - in a time of hopelessness the Christian
love which the Mennonites gave them must have been like an oasis in
the desert of hate and rejection.
Irma Foth lives in Winnipeg, MB.
Book Reviews
Regehr, T. D. Mennonites in Canada 1939 - 1970: A People
Transformed (Toronto, ON: Univeristy of Toronto Press, 1996), hdc.,
xxi, 583 pp., $29.95.
Reviewed by John H. Redekop
This long-awaited volume of Mennonites in Canada,
the sequel to Frank H. Epp's classic two volumes which appeared in 1974
and 1982, has been worth the wait. Ted Regehr has produced a major work
which will doubtless achieve a well-deserved readership.
One can point to numerous general strengths. Impressive research and
careful scholarship combine with a highly readable style to make the
volume suitable for the average lay reader as well as the advanced specialist.
Rank and file Mennonites and even readers with no knowledge about Mennonites
will have no difficulty following the descriptions, explanations and
analysis. The author appropriately balances the general with the particular,
the local with the national and the negative with the positive. Human
interest stories and effective use of words and phrases significantly
enhance the account. The relative emphasis given to the various groups
of Mennonites is fair and the overall arrangement of the material both
clear and logical.
Several additional strengths should be noted. Regehr has adroitly
set the Canadian Mennonite experience in both the larger Canadian as
well as international contexts. The Personal Prologue, with its honesty,
candour and biographical anecdotes, adds an important dimension. The
cross-referencing of end notes to pages greatly facilitates the checking
of sources. The Bibliographical Essay and the fine index, though short
on the listing of concepts, constitute useful aids as do the several
appendices and the fifteen pages of photos. While the treatment is generally
impressive, the analysis of alternative service, of issues relating
to World War II and war and peace generally, and of urbanization struck
me as especially insightful.
The question of relative emphasis is always a difficult one in a work
of such breadth and scope. Difficult decisions must be made. Even so,
I wondered about some of the choices. From this reader's perspective
insufficient attention was given to some crucial areas. Aside from the
excellent analysis of church music, not enough was said about the changes
affecting the churches. Were preachers preaching new kinds of sermons?
Had the heavy emphasis on prophecy abated? Were young people remaining
faithful to the churches? Had the role of the church changed?
Similarly, given the fundamental shift from agriculture to trades,
professions and business, a more extensive discussion of both the short-term
and the long-term consequences would have been warranted. Also, the
whole realm of politics was virtually neglected. An analysis of the
massive impact of the Far Right on Mennonite political thought and behaviour
in Canada and at least minimal treatment of the sudden shift to political
involvement in Canada would have enhanced this volume. After all, between
1940 and 1969, 63 Mennonites were candidates in federal elections in
Canada and 107 were candidates for seats in provincial legislatures.
Thirty five Mennonite candidates were elected, many to cabinet positions.
Such a massive transition, politically, is worthy of comment. Space
for such additions might have been made available by virtually eliminating,
if need be, the discussion of Dr. Spock, by drastically reducing the
discussion on B.C. berries, and by spending a little less time on the
Canadian Mennonite, important as that paper obviously
was.
My main query about relative emphases, however, is more basic. The
author generally defines Mennonites as a religious group - virtually
all of the comparisons seem to assume such a definition - yet, according
to my calculations, about half of the material deals with ethnic matters.
No explanation is given for this emphasis. Indeed, one looks in vain
for a clear discussion of how Mennonites should be viewed. Are the Mennonites
an ethno-religious group? Are they mainly a religious denomination?
Are they mainly an ethnic group? If Mennonites are mainly a religious
group, then why spend so many chapters dealing with agriculture, economic
pursuits, arts and literature, and other sociological concerns? A discussion
of Baptists, Pentecostals, or the Christian and Missionary Alliance
Church would likely not have included such discussions.
Early rumours suggested that this book contained an anti-evangelical
bias. In general I found the author's treatment of this aspect fair
and reasonable, although clearly not overly sympathetic. In a few instances
more objectivity might have been prudent. Rural "theological formulations"
are called "simplistic" (p. 182), Biblical events are called "tales"
(p. 230) and missionary efforts to win converts described as "intrusive"
(pp.329,355).
Some assertions may deserve rethinking or at least modification. Are
Mennonites ethnic Germans (pp. 79-80) or not (pp. 89,232)? Did all Mennonite
berry and tree-fruit farming in British Columbia "collapse", or only
part of the raspberry and strawberry production? In my listening to
many of George Brunk's revival sermons in the 1950s I did not conclude
that "severe criticism of the established Mennonite churches was an
essential part of his message" (p.210). The assertion that "anti-sex
attitudes are deeply engrained in Christian theology" seems to be too
sweeping an indictment (p.213). And to say that "Frank Epp was an enthusiastic
supporter of North American evangelism" (p.405), even with some subsequent
qualification, seems to overstate the point. Also the brief comment
on page 17, about how the Mennonite Brethren church got started is more
accurate than the later explanation about a division of the Mennonite
church in Russia.
Some spelling, composition and grammatical errors will presumably
be corrected in the next printing. It struck the reviewer as humorous
to read about "military supervision by conscientious objectors" (p.50).
A few factual errors (e.g. description of the role of the Conference
of Mennonites in B.C. in founding the MEI) also need attention.
In sum Regehr has produced an outstanding account of a people who
were indeed, transformed, who, in the main, experienced accomodation
rather than assimilation, and who, despite the pressures of urbanization,
prosperity, and modernity, generally still held firmly to most of the
Anabaptist-Mennonite values which make Mennonites in Canada a distinctive,
significant and interesting minority.
John Redekop is currently Professor of Political
Science at Trinity Western Universtiy in Langley, B.C.
Koop, A.E. Heidi. Peter: A Man of Stamina and Courage.
Winnipeg, MB: Regehr's Printing, 1993), pb., 181 pp., $20.00. Surviving
the Medical Maze (Winnipeg, MB: Self-publication, 1996), pb., 152
pp., $15.00.
Reviewed by Helga Dyck
In Stamina and Courage, Heidi Koop relates
the story of the life of her father, Peter H. Koop, from the early years
in Russia (1903) to his death in Winnipeg, in 1990. Much of the book
is based on the unpub-lished memoirs of her father (Der
kleine Künstler, completed by Peter H. Koop in 1979).
The latter chapters are based on various writings and notations, and
stories told by word of mouth. It also contains interesting photos and
other illustrations.
Like all of us, Peter Koop was influenced by the times and circumstances
in which he grew up. Experiences during the Russian Revolution, both
world wars, depression in the 1930s, poverty in adult life resettlement
and new blessings in a new land, retirement and old age and the death
of loved ones had a profound impact on him and his family. Yet through
all aspects of life, he remained a man of faith and courage. This is
a sensitive and well-documented record of one family's dedication and
faithfulness in dealing with the struggles of life.
Based on her ten-year struggle with breast cancer, Heidi Koop also
offers her readers a well-documented and very personal look into our
complex medical system which has long since abandoned its honourable
objectives and ethics. Surviving the Medical Maze
tells the story of being caught in a medical maze, a "no-man's land",
as she calls it, powerless to deal with the forces of the medical system
at a time when she was most vulnerable and needy. She also tells of
learning to meet these challenges with the help of others who provided
her with the necessary means.
This is a story of neglect - neglect on the part of the surgeon to
provide adequate information, to consider alternate treatments besides
chemotherapy and radiation and total disregard for the patient's wishes.
The resulting harm from the faulty biopsy meant that the cancer soon
spread to the lymphatic system and to other vital organs. It also meant
cruel treatments and unbearable side-effects. In her efforts to seek
and maintain a quality life, Heidi Koop reaped humiliation and endless
unnecessary suffering from a medical system that cannot look beyond
their own pocket books and "scientific" process.
This book will be of interest to readers who can identify with Heidi
Koop's experiences - those who are currently at the mercy of our medical
system. It was written to draw attention to a need for people to make
informed personal healthcare decisions, to be aware of options available
to them, and to exercise their freedom of choice in doing so. Most importantly,
this work was written for those persons in positions of power who will
hopefully use their power to facilitate the implementation of viable
medical alternatives.
Copies of these books may be obtained by contacting the Mennonite
Heritage Centre, 600 Shaftesbury Blvd., Winnipeg, MB R3P 0M4.
Helga Dyck resides in Winnipeg where she has
worked in the Institute of Humanities at the University of Manitoba.
Kutz, Jacob A. and Ingrid Harder. My Life in the Ukraine
& Canada as I Remember it (Peterborough, ON: 1996) pb., 69
pp.
Reviewed by Alf Redekopp
J.A. Kutz, treasurer of the Ontario Mennonite MB Conference for 30
years, can tell a very unique story. Kutz may well have been one of
the first Ukrainians living near the Mennonites in South Russia to become
a Mennonite. He writes, "All my ancestors belonged to the Greek Orthodox
Catholic Church. I was baptized as an infant. Later, when I joined the
Mennonite Church in 1919, I was baptized by sprinkling, and when I joined
the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church in 1927 I was baptized by immersion
(p.13).
Kutz gives us a view of life around the village of Mariawohl, Molotschna,
where for four generations members of his family worked as Ukrainian
herdmen tending village livestock in the common pasture. Not being a
Mennonite living in a Mennonite village meant that his father had to
get permission from the Orthodox priest for Jacob to attend the village
school in Mariawohl. Although permission was not granted, his father
enrolled him anyway.
In his home Ukraine was spoken, on the street, Low German was the
vernacular. After completing the Gnadenfeld Zentralschule,
Kutz entered the Mennonite Business School in Halbstadt.
The story progresses chronologically through Kutz's life in Russia,
including an arrest and imprisonment in 1921, emigrating to Canada in
1926, struggles of survival in the West and finally settling in Kitchener
in 1927,where he began his own business as a barber.
The booklet has been prepared by Kutz's granddaughter from written
notes, taped interviews and videotapes in which Kutz shared his story.
Readers should find the story interesting because of its unique perspective.
Alf Redekopp is archivist at the Centre
for MB Studies and assistant archivist at the Mennonite Heritage Centre,
both in Winnipeg, MB.
A Chortitza Dissident and the Old Church: An 1855 Letter
